As I said, if you read Michno's book, and you obviously haven't, you will have the answers to the "Deep Ravine" mystery. However, keep piling mystery on mystery until you are satisfied that you have solved the mystery, of your own making. It makes good copy, especially when you're writing a FICTIONAL account of the battle.
General of the Army (Medicine Man/Chief))
According to Maguire, report dated July 10,1876, as Appendix OO as his annual report for the year ended June 30,1876; 28 men lay dead in a deep ravine which he identified as 'H'. The report was written at 'Camp on the Yellowstone River, near the Mouth of the Bighorn River. This sounds to me, to be, a description of the location of Ft. Pease.
28 men lay dead in a ravine which Maguire identified as 'H'. The column which retreated to 'H', must have been dismounted and fighting along the whole distance, a portion of its men, taking to the ravine for shelter, must have been surrounded by the Indians. 28 bodies were found in this ravine.
From that ravine to Custer's (Last Stand) Hill, identified as 'E', by Lt. Maguire in hhis report; stretched a line of men with skirmish intervals. The crest E was literally (sic liberally) covered with dead officers and men.
This was Maguire's take on events by July 10,1876; maintained at RCoI and consistent with Alfred H. Terry's report of the battle dated June 27th, 1876.
As far as I am aware, two (only) further serious investigations of events took place besides the rather confused and illuminating 'trio' of accounts given during the 1886 anniversary at the battleground. These were by Nelson A. Miles in 1878, and Edward S.Curtis 1905-1908. Reports of events were filed by Capt. P.W. Clark in 1877 and Lt. Oscar f. Long's in 1878. There were a number of other matter of fact military reports including those of Benteen and Reno, which are fully unreliable and of virtually no use in being tainted by misrepresentation of events at Reno Hill and timing of attacks upon the force which entrenched there.
Capt. Sanderson buried horses bones to a cordwood monumentin 1879
Lt.Roe's mission of July 1881, cleared the field of bones. There was after that time, no reason or point to marking grave locations on the field. It was a further nine years before Capt. Owen J. Sweet, placed the individual markers on the ground.
Those of various interests and obssessions today continue a need to discover bodies buried in Maguire's Ravine H, which is the lower ravine 'below' the juction with Calhoun Coulee. A number of rather unusual theories strive still to explain what soldiers were doing on that terrain in the hope this will locate remains in the ground.
Maguire indicated a south to west battle flow along the lower ridgeGreasy Grass and Calhoun Coulee. Considerable evidence for this has been discovered during excavation of those areas such that the only matter to ponder is direction of travel. The movement is supported by a number of sketches made at the time by officers on the ground, and combined with a second movement to Calhoun Hill and onwards towards Custer's Hill.
Considerable of the confusion over what was what in Deep Ravine was brought about by John Stands in Timber's various versions of what took place before he was born such that evidence, no evidence and growing weights of opinion, insist resolutely (almost as fact), that Custer halted companies on Cemetery Ridge before they were overwhelmed by Cheyennes charging and scattering led horses and their holders.
Unfortunately, just as Charles Kuhlman admitted that his study of the fighting was a fiction (read the forward) so, also, is the assessment made by Richard a. Fox in his book on the archaeology, which openly admits that the basis of his ideas about events at the National Cemetery is founded upon absolutely NO science. There were no cavalry artifacts found to indicate that troops were there. This is not science. It is not history. It is pot burning quackery.
I'm not finished yet.........
&th Cavalry were there and halted there in 1926, when large numbers of Sioux and Cheyenne who fought Custer in 1876, fought 7th Cavalry and Godfrey, again - 50 years later. So, please explain how, after 1926, anyone talking about the battle to Sioux and Cheyennes understood whether they were hearing about 1926, or 1876.
In regards battle related artifacts on the Cemetery terrain, behold this document for comparison with te live matches underway by Bryan at the moment. It's going to get interesting with Company E. link.
I wonder how many students of LBH, are aware of, who were acting as Scouts for N.A. Miles 5th Infantry in 1878. Any guesses?
An eyewitness depiction by White Bird, a Northern Cheyenne who fought Custer as a young man and brings the story to life. Warriors, gallantly charge and surround the soldiers who packed closely in defence. 15 years later, Captain John M. Webster, stationed at Fort Keogh, commissioned a painting by White Bird who was thenserving as a scout for the army.
Here, we see two companies of Custer's command, deployed and fighting charging Indians and this being the work of a Cheyenne artist it is John Stands in Timber's Suicide Charge and yey...... three dead Cheyennes.
White Bird made other drawings of the fighting showing the loss of the cavalry horses.
I have a vague recollection of this mentioned by John Stands in Timber but in jumbly. Jumbled second person interpretation of confusion which is tribal history.
John Stands in Timber was 9 years old when White Bird made the drawing, partly shown above. Greys and Bays........ hmmmm..... Doesn't look like Companies E & F, does it?